Brazil Shows How the Far Right Wins Even When It Loses

Lula won the elections in a narrative worthy of a novel, with more than 10 million votes, which is more than the results of 2022 for the election of his 3rd term, following cancer and imprisonment for heavy corruption scandals for which no charges were finally brought against him.

If some people talk about a turnaround, a historical comeback (which is undeniable), it is the context and the result of these elections that challenge me.

The elections took place in a climate of extreme violence, marked by unfounded attacks from the far right. Few proposals from either side, but, on the one hand, a fine politician who has spent more than half his life in politics and whose results are undeniable. Three terms of service in PT mean more than 20 social projects that have literally changed Brazil's image, both inside and outside. Lula's talent and charisma abroad are undeniable, but at home, regions have experienced an economic boom thanks to tourism development, industries have flourished through multilateral relations, and educational projects have allowed thousands of people to earn degrees from recognised universities. A health system that offers free, quality care to the people; valued pensions that directly impact the market economy; fewer forest fires; an indigenous policy that marks international politics with its audacity and results. This is Lula's record.

Despite its results, more than 10 million votes are, in essence, the result of pensioners (exempted from compulsory voting) who, out of fear, out of knowledge of an anti-democratic Brazil, choose the hope and facts that Lula represents, and young people, great beneficiaries of Lula's university programs, who campaigned on the ground against actions to limit digital communication for Lula and in favour of Flávio Bolsonaro.

The results are there, and we can all rejoice in Brazil and in the international community.

But if the re-election is confirmed, the results should challenge us all about the preponderant place the far right occupies in power, globally: in the sharing and conviction of the assertions, in the method, and in the results. Brazil should remain a textbook case for France of how the extremes manage to convince despite convincing figures and statistics.

The manipulation of facts, the untruths uttered in a chain all day long, the lies, sexism, separatism, misogyny, foreign interference, the massive use of AI. When a method is honed, we seem to get used to it. Its results are our collective responsibility.

In recent days, the mayor of Trappes has spoken with a boldness, now rare, by affirming that the press is responsible for the quality of the debate and the subjects addressed. The mayor of Saint-Denis, in the same style, said two days later that, if the far right supports racist remarks, it will have to be banned from the sets. Comments that earned him sharp attacks for supposed anti-democratism.

But let's ask ourselves: what is democracy, really? Because letting biased analyses of a supposed replacement drag on all day doesn't honour it.

Let’s be responsible! Let’s raise the level of debate! Let’s refuse to accept this. Let’s call out such statements when they circulate on social media. Let’s refuse to share them. Responsibility must be collective, because while some, such as the press, bear more responsibility than others, we are all responsible.

Bolsonaro's speech after the announcement of the results, following an election day marked by legally questionable facts, such as the halt of various means of public transport in a country where this transport is essential to get to polling places, demonstrates the contradiction of his promises: change, pacification, fight for security. His words are hateful, questionable, susceptible to legal action and, above all, worthy of the violence of the project of the person who carries them.

Let this truth stand out as a textbook case in the run-up to the elections in France.

That's the far right.